Prehistoric Maritime Domain and Brazilian Shellmounds

Archaeological Discovery

2014. Vol.2, No.1, 1-5

Published Online January 2014 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/ad) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ad.2014.21001

Gustavo Peretti Wagner1, Lucas Antonio da Silva2

1STRATA-Consulting in Archaeology and Cultural Heritage, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

2Universidade Federal de Pelotas, Pelotas, Brazil

Email: arqueologia.strata@gmail.com, lucas_vc1@hotmail.com

Received September 3rd, 2013; revised October 21 st, 2013; accepted November 14th, 2013

under the Creative Co mmons Attribution License, which per mits unrestricted u se, distribution , and reproduction

in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. In accordance of the Creative Commons Attribu-

For at least six thousand years, the Brazilian coast has been explored extensively by different fishing

communities. This article deals with the fishing-gatherer societies as coastal communities proposing an

interface between shell sites archaeology and maritime anthropology.

Keywords: Halieutics; Coastal Populations; Shellmounds (Sambaquis); Fishing Communities

Introduction

This paper is the result of the research of the authors in their

different areas of expertise, fishers-gatherers from the samba-

quis and ethnoarchaeology of fishing. Both fields present mari-

timity as a structuring element for social relations and identity.

Considering the contact with bibliography about the Brazilian

coast fisher populations in the social sciences (anthropology,

sociology, history and archeology), the initiatives were com-

bined and circumscribed within the scope of halieutics and its

materiality.

In the 1970s, archaeological research in sambaquis began to

invest igate dietary patterns and exploitation environments. As a

result, an archaeological culture primarily based on fishing was

characterized. Thus, the immediate association between shell

mounds and a population with a diet based on collecting shell-

fish was proved erroneous. In this sense, the following pages

seek to understand the populations of sambaquis as an emi-

nently fishing population. Therefore, we will present and sys-

tematize concepts from Social Anthropology of fishing whose

genesis lies in ethnological studies of the traditional fishing

communities of the Brazilian Atlantic coast.

Anthropology and Fishing Communities

Considering that the sciences present a series of pre-estab-

lished theoretical categories that successfully express different

aspects of the broad cultural universe of coastal societies, the

pages that follow propose a systematization of what was se-

lected by the researches as correlatable categories regarding

sambaquis. In this sense, they are understood as problems to be

addressed under the bias of material culture, providing oppor-

tunities to understand maritimity partially.

Anthropological studies devoted to fishing populations of the

Brazilian coast have contributed significantly to understand the

internal social relations, the specialization of gender activities,

the process of mechanization and the appreciation of traditional

halieutics knowledge (Veríssimo, 1970 [1895]; Lopes, 1938;

Câmara-Cascudo, 2002 [1954]; Mourão, 2003 [1971]; Lima,

1978; Furtado, 1987; Maldonado, 1994; Diegues, 1997, 2004).

However, the efforts to systematize the material apparatus

linked to traditional and indigenous fishing are rare. The works

by Lopes (1938) and Câmara-Cascudo (2002 [1954]) are real

exceptions. It is precisely to this aspect that Archeology, more

than any other discipline, can contribute.

Maritimity and Prehistory

The interaction with the oceans is an integral part of the

processes of expansion and human settlement on the emerged

lands of the planet. In the early stages of the process of human

evolution oceans were responsible for defining borders. How-

ever, at at some point, still unknown, the mastery of water

masses through the use of vessels enabled boundary expansion,

the connection of continents and humanization of new lands.

More than 50,000 years ago, Homo Sapiens came from East

Asia and used the Southern Indian to colonize Australia and

there is no evidence that a passage emerged between the two

throughout the Quaternary. In the Mediterranean world, there

are similarities between the North African Acheulean and the

Spanish and southern Italian, which may indicate a flow of

people and objects crossing the sea (Bordes, 1978).

The initial colonization of the New World may be the re-

search topic in which maritimity bears greater responsibility.

José de Acosta, in the sixteenth century, supports the mono-

genist and overseas origin of the Amerindians found here

(Mattos, 1941; Rivet, 1958; Willey, 1966; Schobinger, 1969;

Lorenzo, 1978; Lavallée, 2000). Rivet (1958) admits a multiple

origin through transpacific migrations. The main and most in-

tense migratory route would be the mongoloid via Bering Strait,

accompanied by migration in vessels using the Aleutian Islands

as warehouses. The fronts of Melanesian settlements would

have reached the Pacific coast of America through the Polyne-

sian islands. Finally, Australian waves would have circumna-

vigated the Antarctic through the southern seas. In order to

OPEN ACCESS 1

G. P. WAGNER, L. A. DA SILVA

explain the absence of paleo-indigenous evidence in Alaska,

Fladmark (1978) resumes the hypothesis of alternative migra-

tory routes by sea, proposing that the prehistoric populations

would have moved along the coast of Alaska and British Co-

lumbia towards the south through cabotage. More recently,

Bradley e Stanford (2004) proposed that the technological ori-

gin of the Clovis points would reside in the Spanish Solutrean.

The sequential discovery of ancient sites in South America

and the presence of non-Mongolian settlement elements in

Central Brazil have confirmed the existence of transoceanic

settlement routes (Neves et al., 2003). Even after human set-

tlement on the mainland, the sea routes seem to be the only

possible way to provide the groups of people with the agility

required to cover America from Boreal Canada to Austral Chile

(Dillehay, 1999), including sites in areas of limited access

within the Hylean Amazon (Roosevelt et al., 1996).

The Brazilian coastline became effectively occupied only in

the Middle Holocene, centuries before the Holocene maximum

transgression, when inland populations reached the coast

through several axes, probably using the main river valleys.

There are evidences of sambaquis with higher chronologies,

reaching 8000 AP, but these must be regarded with caution

since the cultural contexts are unknown and regional chronolo-

gies do not yet support such antiquity (Wagner, 2014).

Maritimity, Halieutics and the Archaeology of

Sambaquis

Maritimity is a phenomenon intrinsic to any culture whose

archaeological sites demonstrate interaction with the coastal

environment. The presence of valves of marine mollusks and

estuarine accumulated in large amounts granted predominance

tofishermen-collectors from sambaquis in exploiting these en-

vironments against other coastal archaeological cultures. How-

ever, the ethno-historical sources from the seventeenth century

provide vivid descriptions of the intense interaction of various

Tupi groups with the waters, as well as the elaborate arsenal of

tools and strategies for maritime domain1 (Staden, 1999 [1548];

Lery, 1960 [1557], for example). In this sense, the idea ex-

pressed in Diegues seems correct (Diegues, 1997), which states

that the ocean is an ideological reference common to all popu-

lations that inhabit the coast, despite their different degrees of

economic dependence on the ocean waters.

Mourão (2003 [1971]) was the first one to point out the dis-

tinction between two different kinds of fishermen. There are

those fishermen whose livelihood is related to deep waters,

whose interaction with the sea occurs mostly in the open sea,

with overnight fishing, in which they spend days without re-

turning to land, whether their tools are handcrafted or mecha-

nized. These fishermen experiences are marked by uncertainty,

risk, and they are susceptible to the power of weather and sea.

Câmara-Cascudo (2002 [1954]) vividly contextualizes this type

of fishermen in the artisanal realm. On the other hand, there are

those fishermen who dwell on land, exposed to a complex

planting and harvesting schedule, in which fishing represents

the seaside character, taking place mainly in sheltered waters or

in the shallow sea, near the coast. However, Mourão (2003

[1971]) is categorical in stating that these fishermen lack a

more intimate relationship with the ocean, expressed in what he

called “fishing ideology”. Veríssimo (1970 [1895]) portrayed

this kind of fishermen and extensive descriptions can be found

in Lima (1978), Furtado (1987), Maldonado (1994) and Castel-

lucci (2008). Under the same lines Diegues (1997) alerts to the

dichotomy between maritime communities and coastal com-

munities, declaring erroneous the approaches that understand

them antagonist ically.

The ictioarchaeology research conducted in sambaquis lo-

cated in the south and southeast regions of the country revealed

a mastery of all coastal aquatic environments: river, estuarine,

lagoon and lacustrine (Garcia, 1970; Figuti, 1989; Hilbert,

2011). Research in sambaquis located in the south of Brazil

have showed intense exploitation of tropical forested environ-

ments (Scheel-Ybert, 2001) and creation of communication

networks for long distances along the coast or even through the

inland-coast axis (DeBlasis, et al., 2007; Gaspar, 2008). There

is no clear evidence of the mastery of the open sea at the

present stage of research in sambaquis. The occupations in

various islands of Maranhão (Hartt, 1885; Simões, 1981), Bahia

(Rathbun, 1878), Rio de Janeiro (Lima, 1991, 1995; Tenório,

1999), Paraná (Emperaire & Laming, 1956), and Santa Catarina

(Bryan, 1993; Comerlato, 2005), are characterized invariably

by coastal islands accessible by cabotage. Even the archipela-

gos, such as Abrolhos, with distances of up to 50 km from the

mainland, do not show prehistoric occupations of any kind.

In fact, the dominance of the outer sea was possible only af-

ter the introduction of new European nautical technologies,

such as the lateen harnessing, rafts and pirogues and the estab-

lishment of mechanized and mercantile fishing. Marcgrave,

perhaps the first to record iconographically the presence of

sailing, does so only around the mid-seventeenth century

(Câmara-Cascuco, 2002 [1954]), and the fishing industry was

developed only from the 1960s on (Diegues, 2004).

As a result, we highlight what is meant here as coastal cul-

ture, in which the ocean is a partial component, adding to the

mixohalines and limnic environments, as well as the land area

where the prehistoric populations dispersed throughout the

Holocene, and also in which material and symbolic relations are

built and expressed, and human activity grants an intrinsic so-

cial dimension to the passivity of the water.

From the point of view of the material culture, the relation-

ship with the sea is expressed through fisheries, a constituent

element of the cultural universe connected to that broader social

phenomenon. Fishermen-gatherers from sambaquis cannot, in

fact, be located in the “maritime culture” category (Diegues,

1997), or “people of the sea” a term already used in Calippo

(2010). On the contrary, the archaeological culture of the sam-

baquis is, for and foremost, an eminently coastal culture.

It should be emphasized, however, that the word halieutics

comes from Greek and entitles the classic poems of Ovid and

Oppiano, where the art of fishing is treated as an eminently

maritime activity, expressed through the prefix hali: salt. Con-

sequently, halieutics and maritimity are historically related

categories, although it is necessary to consider them in a gener-

al way, in order to incorporate the coastal water environment as

well as the emerged environments (Tiago, 2010).

But it was not until the turn of the 1960s and 70s that the

gradual disconnection of conceptual approaches applied to

agricultural societies and/or rural areas as a way of understand-

ing the National fish populations began. The construction of the

theoretical references of fishing, specifically, was mainly sti-

mulated by anthropological studies conducted in the Southeast

Detailed s ummaries of t

he strategies and indigenous fishing equipment can

be found in FRANCO, T. (1998),

Prehistoric fishing activity in Brazil:

summary.

OPEN ACCESS

G. P. WAGNER, L. A. DA SILVA

and Northeast, especially the works of Kottak (1966, 1983),

Forman (1970), Mourão (2003 [1971]), Diegues (1973), Duarte

(1978) and Lima (1978). This period marks the establishment

of analytical categories that allow an understanding of social

roles of different characters who work in the fishing world.

Such categories are considered here the key to decoding and

analyzing the construction processes and social cohesion. They

also allow contemplating fishermen-gatherers from sambaquis

as coastal fishermen.

Traditional Knowledge, Fishing Practices and

Mastery

Starting from the idea that coastal fishermen have a culture

focused on the exploration of this specific environment, Di-

egues (2004) has shown that the way of life of maritime com-

munities is limited to the physical environment of the sea, cha-

racterized by seasonal changes, abrupt changes of weather—

that cause storms occasionally—etc. In parallel, the way and

lives of coastal communities depend on the mastery of internal

waters and “shallow sea”, with the additional support of the

exploitation of land resources. Renewable natural resources

removed from the water are mobile, invisible and obey the

biological patterns of each species.

However, the exploratory domain of this complex and un-

predictable water environment requires deep knowledge of

navigation, movements of air masses, fauna habits, climate

change, and especially various specific techniques that ulti-

mately are responsible for the effectiveness of the fishing prac-

tice2 (Silva, 2012). All this “know-how” is called traditional

knowledge, which encompasses cognitive, cultural practices

and skills that ensure the survival of a highly specialized way of

life (Diegues, 2004). It should be noted that traditional know-

ledge is a skill passed through replication of the experience of

watching the elders and mainly through oral tradition in envi-

ronments of sociability. In this sense, the role of the master3 as

the leader of the vessel and the fishing itself, assumes a promi-

nent position in the mastery because he is the character who has

the experience needed to effectively overcome the challenges

that the unstable waters of lagoons, estuaries, or sea present.

Likewise, he is responsible for passing on to the younger the

skills and knowledge needed for successful fishing, perpetuated

in everyday practices.

Territorialit y and Marking

Marking is characterized as a social and productive practice,

which is divided into two distinct levels. The first one is the

technique, which is characterized by navigation and by the

choice of a territory, since these elements are essential for a

good fishing result. The second is the symbolic level, which is

characterized by the social construction of the mastery, being

connected, therefore, to hierarchical and moral processes. These

two levels, practical action as well as symbolic action, are uni-

versal practices in the fishermen lifestyle (Maldonado, 1994).

Considered a universal and fundamental element for the fi-

sherman’s way of life, marking operates in the construction and

maintenance of the territory. Thus, each group builds its terri-

tory in a different way, since the characteristics of the exploited

environment, along with the teachings passed along from gen-

eration to generation, are factors that influence the marking.

Fishing territories are more than delimited spaces. They are

known, named, used and defended places. Each group has a

familiarity with these areas creating territories that are incorpo-

rated into the cultural tradition. Therefore, these territories or

areas of subsistence and sociability are delimited to maintain

the fisherman way of life. In other words, what is proposed is

that in the case of fishing societies, territory is knowledge.

However, as the author highlights later, the condition of

shared heritage of the sea or inland waters (other coastal aquatic

environments) implies indivisibility and lack of formal and

continuously appropriation of the environment (Maldonado,

2000). However, for production purposes, fishermen classify

aquatic environments in fishing areas4, fishing or stones, which

receive a mental lab el and are kept secret by the fisher man. It is

noteworthy, however, that the marking of fishing grounds tends

to take place with the aid of external factors such as the align-

ment of the vessel with a mountain or an island (natural mark-

ers), or by internal factors, such as the stones in the bottom of

the water or artificial buoys. The identification of fishing spots,

as well as other fisherman activities, composes the spectrum of

knowledge required to be a master. In this sense, the marking

quality is indispensable to the master of the vessel or fisherman,

because the success of the fishery depends on the master’s effi-

cient choices (Maldonado, 1994).

Conclusion

The pages written here carry with them the purpose of un-

derstanding the world of fishing techniques and activities car-

ried out on the coast of Brazil. Actually, the gathering of the

wide range of fishing practices found in the coast with conti-

nental dimensions of the country under the analytical categories

expresses above demands, notably, research and systematiza-

tion of data of equivalent dimensions. The proposal is limited to

searching the elements associated with fishing practices and

especially those elements that lead to the making and use of

fishing equipment present in sambaquis. In this sense, relations

with the coastal aquatic environments materialized in the sites

should be addressed as part of a prehistoric halieutics realm.

As a social phenomenon, halieutics translates productive ac-

tivities and symbolic relationships within the daily life. The

productive activities depend on relatively traditional technical

knowledge, basically the making and handling of equipment

and vessels, but also a number of knowledge that is not mate-

rially expressed. The master is the category that meets these

prerequisites, incorporating notions of spatiality, marking and

control of territories and fishing grounds, meteorology and

navigation knowledge, either in the sea or in the coast (inland

coastal waters). In the daily activities, on the one hand, rela-

tions of identity and belonging are established and expressed,

and on the other hand, the symbolic universe of the fishing

world is constructed and experienced.

The hypothesis suggested is that the ideological universe in-

volving fishing acts as a factor of social cohesion and, to use an

2Fishing practices are understood as the application of traditional knowledge

for the development of a fishing activity, such as cleaning the fish, location

of fishing grounds, harvesting, offal disposal, location of schools, manufac-

turing nets, etc .

The term com es f rom mast er, wh ich a ccor di ng to Dieg ues ( 200 0: p.

76) is a

set of qualities, knowledge and

practices that mark the figure of the fishe

man who has authority i n t he boat.

According Begossi (2004), fishing area is the water space used by indivi

uals or a specific community, while fishing grounds are specific fishing

locations that have some type of ownership and conflic t over their use.

OPEN ACCESS 3

G. P. WAGNER, L. A. DA SILVA

expression coined successfully by Diegues (2004), what is

proposed is to understand theoretically “how fishing builds

societies”.

It is noteworthy, however, that this does not imply the con-

struction of a theoretical approach to understanding groups of

fishermen-gatherers of sambaquis. The concepts presented should

not be regarded as landmarks of an approach, but as research

problems to be addressed from the perspective of material cul-

ture, providing opportunities to partially understand the rela-

tions with coastal environments, a specific aspect in the bicen-

tennial trajectory of the Archaeology of Sambaquis.

Acknowledgemen ts

Initially, the authors are grateful to their respective Institu-

tions of Higher Education and Research where they operate, as

well as the Coordination of Improvement of Higher Education

Personnel/CAPES for their support through granting of Master

scholarship for Lucas Antonio da Silva and Postdoctoral scho-

larship (PNPD) for Gustavo Peretti Wagner.

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